Cattle-based pastoralism of the Fulbe has thus
been the most significant focus of herder/farmer
conflict in Nigeria. For a long period, the Fulbe
were confined to the edge of the desert. During
the twentieth century, Fulbe herders began to
migrate through and settle in whole zones that
were previously inaccessible to pastoralists,
bringing them into contact with previously
unknown peoples, cultures and production
systems. The consequences of this were a raft of
untested interactions between all parties and
considerable space for misunderstandings and
conflict.
The factors preventing their southern expansion in
a previous era remain controversial, but it is likely that a move
out of the semi-arid region would have resulted in
major losses from the trypanosomoses. Before
the spread of firearms in Nigeria, human
population densities were low and wild animal
numbers (and thus tsetse vectors) still high. This
would have created a high level of tsetse
challenge for the non-trypanotolerant zebu owned
by the Fulbe.
The classic stereotype of Fulbe migration in the
colonial period common was a seasonal
movement between the semi-arid north and the
dry-season pastures along the Niger-Benue
system. As the rains gathered pace, tsetse
populations expanded and herders were driven
back northwards. Despite this, the gradual
exploration of southern pastures led to individuals
seeking methods of remaining in these regions all
year round. A study of livestock production in
Nigeria concluded from an analysis of tax and
slaughterhouse records that there had been a
general shift southward of pastoral herds.
The conventional stereotypes of the Fulbe as
living in Northern Nigeria are becoming less and
less true, year by year. Two major surveys
commissioned by the Nigerian government have
contributed to a major reformulation of the
conventional stereotypes of Ful∫e pastoralism.
The movement into the south-west was markedly
earlier than in the centre and south-east of the
country for both ecological and religious/cultural
reasons. The climatic regime of the south-west is
such that the derived savanna loops southwards
west of Oyo, almost reaching the coast in Benin
and the Togolese Republic. This creates relatively
open land without the high humidity associated
with forest proper and therefore reduces the
disease risk to zebu cattle.
The second impetus to southward expansion of
the pastoralists was the unaccustomed security
of the colonial era. One reason pastoralists so
often become militaristic is because they are
comparatively vulnerable. Stock are susceptible
both to one-off theft and large-scale cattle-
rustling. In an economy where
land is not at a premium, it is difficult to deprive
a farmer of his working capital. But herders can
easily be overwhelmed, especially as so much of
their day is spent virtually alone with the animals.
For example, until the colonial era, grazing herds
avoided the otherwise attractive Jos Plateau
because of the threat of armed
raids. The relative peace and security in rural
areas from 1910 onwards encouraged exploratory
movements towards new pastures.
This southward movement has not been without
costs to the Fulbe Two features of their present
society reflect this; extensive sedentarisation and
an increase in conflict with the agrarian societies
on whom they have traditionally depended for
their supply of cereal staples. The Fulbe and the
arable farmers among whom they move have traditionally had an
interdependent relationship, based both on the
local exchange of dairy products for grain, and
the periodic sale of animals to provide cash for
domestic purposes, such as cloth or marriage
payments.
Moreover, in many regions, Fulbe management
strategies depend on access to cereal crop
residues -something arable farmers may
encourage because of the perceived advantages
of manure as fertilizer. However, in no case are
the goods or services pastoralists have to offer
essential to the farming community, and therefore
the pastoralist is obliged to remain on good terms
with farmers if he wishes to continue to exploit
the same locale in successive years. If Fulbe
herders are unable to build up exchange relations with the farming communities,
they can only survive either by settling, by flexible
movement patterns that involve encountnew
arable communities every year, or by intimidation
of the farmers. All of these strategies occur in
Nigeria, sometimes practised simultaneously by
different Fulbe subgroups. Understanding the structural elements
underlying conflict is thus essential to interpreting
its recent transformations.
EXCERPTS FROM: THE TRANSFORMATION OF
CONFLICT BETWEEN PASTORALISTS AND
CULTIVATORS IN NIGERIA, by Roger Blench and
Mallam Dendo, 8, Guest Road, Cambridge CB1
2AL United Kingdom, Paper for a special issue of
the Journal Africa, ed. M. Moritz, Cambridge, 13
September 2003
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